segunda-feira, 2 de novembro de 2015
SPEECH AT THE 17TH INTERNATIONAL MEETING OF COMMUNIST AND WORKERS PARTIES IN ISTAMBUL WITH AS ITS THEME
“The tasks of Communist and Workers’ Parties to strengthen the struggle of the
working class against capitalist exploitation, imperialist wars and fascism, for
workers’ and peoples’ emancipation, for socialism”
30 October- 1 November 2015
We are particularly happy to be here with you for the work of the 17th
International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties in Istanbul.
I would particularly want to underline the unwavering bonds that connect the
communist movements of the two neighbouring peoples, the Greek and the Turkish
And using this opportunity we express our thanks to the Communist Party in
Turkey for hosting today’s meeting.
We express our full solidarity with the struggling Turkish people, our support
for the families of the victims of murderous provocation that led to the death
and serious injuries of hundreds of our fellow people in Ankara, while they were
demonstrating for justice and peace.
In the recent period, all humanity has focused its gaze on the sea between
Turkey and Greece. They saw tens of thousands of people seeking to cross the
Aegean Sea in every way imaginable, to reach some Greek island after leaving the
Turkish coast with the aim of heading to other European countries, in order to
seek a “better future”.
This “passage” has proved fatal for thousands of people, for many children, who
perished struggling against the waves. However, the factor that led so many
people to uproot themselves from their homes has a name. It is capitalist
barbarity that creates economic crises, poverty and unemployment, imperialist
wars and interventions.
The KKE struggles against the causes that lead to refugees and immigration; it
struggles against Nazism-fascism and its representatives today in Greece, who
sought amongst other things to use this major issue of immigration waves in
order to sow nationalism, xenophobia and racism amongst the people.
Our party calls on the people, the labour-people’s movement to be vigilant and
to intensify their solidarity with refugees and immigrants, demanding:
The end of the imperialist interventions and wars of the EU-USA-NATO. No
Greek participation in them.
The abolition of the Dublin Regulations, the Schengen Agreement, Frontex and
all the other repressive mechanisms of the EU.
No to the EU’s measures for repression at the borders.
Immediate transit of refugees from the island and entry points to their final
destination countries, under the responsibility of the EU and UN.
The creation of decent reception centres. The creation of decent reception
centres. The increase of personnel and strengthening of the infrastructure
related to rescue, registration-identification, accommodation-food-care and
the safe transit to the country’s exit points.
Our region, the region between Europe and Asia, the Black Sea and the Middle
East, the region of the Eastern Mediterranean like a magnet attracts hundreds of
warplanes and warships, as well as every other kind of military hardware.
Military forces from dozens of countries, inside and outside of NATO, are
constantly participating in military exercises and some of them have already
been used in battles in Syria, Iraq, Ukraine etc. What we have described is just
the tip of the iceberg of the intense inter-imperialist competition which
endangers the peoples.
This is a competition that is being expressed over the division of the raw
materials, the transport routes of the commodities, the market shares. In short,
over capitalist profit, which is the motor force of capitalist society. A
society that is based on the exploitation of man by man.
In recent years, due to the consequences of the counterrevolutions in countries
of socialist construction, and also due to the capitalist crisis that reshuffled
the deck, due to uneven capitalist development, we can see the inter-imperialist
competition sharpening. The famous so-called “multi-polar world” is none other
than the world of harsh inter-imperialist confrontations, which are being waged
with economic, diplomatic and military means, as it is well-known that “war is
the continuation of politics by other means”.
We all know that in Ukraine we had the open intervention of the USA, EU, NATO
in the framework of their competition with Russia, while the previous relations
of socialist cooperation and integration inside the Soviet Union had already
been overturned. The intervention of the USA-NATO-EU, relying on nationalist and
even openly fascist forces, has led this country to collapse and unspeakable
We see similar developments in the Middle East region, where there was an
attempt to hijack and exploit the people’s desire for social and democratic
rights. Through the vehicle of the so-called “Arab Spring”, there was an attempt
to “recompose” the international alliances in the region, and possibly to carry
out some bourgeois modernizations. The USA, the EU and their “allies” in the
region, like the authoritarian regimes in the Gulf and Turkey trained and
supported the jihadists of the “Islamic State” in order to advance their plans.
The same is true of the developments in Syria, where after the interventions of
the EU, USA and NATO, the knot of antagonisms is being further complicated by
Russia. It has goes beyond the whiff of gunpowder, the wider region of the
Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean is being threatened. There is a real
danger that the entire region could explode.
It is precisely these major contradictions in the region that increase the
danger of a generalization of the military conflicts, because in our wider
region imperialist centres like the USA, NATO and the EU, old and new emerging
powers like Russia, China, Turkey, Israel, the Arab monarchies in the Gulf, are
coming into conflict, with a real danger of the greater involvement of other
countries, like Greece.
The SYRIZA-ANEL government in only 7 months of ruling has proposed the creation
of a new NATO-US base on Karpathos, the establishment of a multi-national
command and control unit on Crete, as well as the expansion and reinforcement of
the Suda base.
While now it is ready to accept the request of the USA so that the notorious
drones of the US airforce can station on Greek territory and specifically in
Crete in order to bomb the region and of course create new waves of refugees and
immigrants. The peoples, like the Greek people, will once again pay the price
The issue of the EEZ is more clearly bringing to the fore the savage
confrontation amongst the imperialist powers, old and new, something that
further entangles our country in the danger of being involved in an imperialist
war at the side of one or the other predatory alliance.
The participation of Greek governments in these plans serves the interests of
Greek capital which aims to increase its share in the redivision of the markets,
i.e. from the robbery carried out against the peoples.
The Greek government, on behalf of the Greek bourgeoisie, Greek capital, is
advancing the aim of transforming Greece into an energy hub and thus involving
it in the competition over the energy transport routes and pipelines like TAP
We can not really understand these developments and, what is important, examine
what we should do if we do not study some factors:
For example, the synchronized character of the capitalist economic crisis in
the last decade that has affected powerful capitalist states. It is doubtful
whether these states will achieve a dynamic expanded reproduction at pre-crisis
levels. This crisis is due to the nature of the capitalist system and
demonstrates its boundaries.
In these conditions, the realignments in the correlation of forces amongst the
capitalist states are accelerating. New powers are emerging that seek a
redivision of the markets that is to their benefit.
They are seeking this, using all means available-economic, diplomatic, with
compromises and fragile agreements, but when this is not possible military means
are used. This is how capitalism, the system of exploitation, functions.
That “war is the continuation of politics by other means” is absolutely valid.
When the system, the ruling class can not service its predatory interests it
resorts to open war. This been demonstrated at many points in history.
We should not forget that before the two previous world wars, major global
capitalist crises had broken out.
It is a tremendous historical inaccuracy what is said and written in the
history books, in the books of the bourgeois political economy, which are taught
in schools and universities, something that various social-democratic forces,
like SYRIZA in Greece, as well as opportunist forces in the communist movement
loudly proclaim: that the great capitalist crisis of the period 1929-1932 was
solved by the Keynesian management! This is used to excuse their own anti-people
management formula, their anti-people strategy, like that of SYRIZA in our
In fact, the crisis was finally overcome by the enormous destruction of
productive forces in World War II and after the economy was first oriented to
the military industry,
These are not theoretical and academic issues. They are issues that above all
must be learned and understood by the youth. They are historical experiences
that should be used to see how developments are moving today, where things are
going, what should be done to get rid of this barbarity
The capitalist system, especially today when it is in its highest and final
stage of imperialism, can offer nothing positive to the workers, to the peoples,
but only an intensity of class exploitation, oppression, naked barbarity,
economic crises and wars.
All this demonstrates one great truth to the peoples of the entire world: that
capitalist crisis and imperialist war go together.
That is why today the slogan "the people and especially the youth should not
shed blood for the interests of capital, of the exploiters." is extremely
And as regards the workers of our countries, this is not safeguarded by the
participation of our countries in the imperialist organizations, the EU and NATO
that is accepted by all the bourgeois parties, liberal and social-democratic,
left and right, and in Greece this includes the parties from ND, SYRIZA, until
Nazi Golden Dawn.
It is not safeguarded by the logic cultivated by various parties that the people
should choose imperialist, select a block of imperialist powers, a block of
international geopolitical alliances.
It is something entirely different for worker’s-people’s power to utilize
existing contradictions and different interests of capitalist states and quite
another to attach oneself to an imperialist alliance, a union of capitalist
states, with the illusion that this could benefit the working class and the
people and the prospect of people’s power, socialism.
We believe that the communist movement must utilize the inter-imperialist
contradictions, with the aim of weakening the imperialist alliances,
destabilizing capitalist power in its country or other country, whether the
aggressor or the one under attack.
For a CP to correctly utilize the inter-imperialist contradictions it must not
be trapped in the plans of any imperialist centre, it must defend the vital
working class interests in its country, in the region and at an international
In this direction, the KKE seeks to actively highlight the consequences of our
country’s participation in the imperialist unions, their interventions, in
imperialist war for the working class and people. We fight against the
irredentist nationalist slogans. We fight to isolate the fascist forces and the
supporters of Euro-atlanticism, to isolate all those who work to create a
Our party directly raises the issue of Greece withdrawing from all the
imperialist alliances, such as NATO and the EU, underlining that this can be
ensured by workers’-people’s power, the socialist development path.
At the same time we stress that the struggle for the defense of borders, for
Greece’s sovereign rights, from the standpoint of the working class and the
popular strata, is inextricably linked to the struggle for the overthrow of
capital’s power and of course, has nothing to do with the defense of the plans
of the various imperialist poles or the defense of the profitability of the
various monopoly consortia.
The working class, the popular strata and their youth, in our opinion, have
only one choice:
They must put an end to the system that gives rise to exploitation, crises and
wars, to direct the militant insurgent forces towards the overthrow of
capitalism and the construction of the new socialist society.
Today the bourgeoisie, benefiting from the negative correlation of forces
internationally, is carrying out an ideological offensive, seeking to gain not
just the passive toleration but the active support of the working class-popular
masses for its imperialist plans, concerning issues related to imperialist
interventions and wars.
Here, beyond the issue of defending the “homeland” and other new pretexts are
being utilized such as the “promotion of democracy”, “humanitarian reasons”, the
“war against terrorism”, “combating piracy”, “the non-dissemination of weapons
of mass destruction”, “the prevention of the immigration and refugee current”,
“the protection of religious and national minorities” etc.
Unfortunately, there are still forces that call themselves “leftwing”,
“progressive” and pro-labour which accept these imperialist pretexts.
We consider that the forces that participate in the Party of the European Left
and voted in favour of the NATO intervention in Libya and accepted the
imperialists’ arguments regarding Syria bear enormous responsibilities. They had
a similar stance towards the earlier imperialist interventions in Yugoslavia,
Afghanistan and Iraq.
In conditions where the inter-imperialist contradictions are sharpening, the
workers must not have illusions that it is possible via “round tables” or
“regional security systems” to prevent war. The events in Syria, Ukraine etc
demonstrate that the “peaceful path” for the resolution of the problem of the
division of markets sometimes remains closed to capitalism, imperialism. Then
there is only one way out: the new division of the markets and spheres of
influence through violence, military conflicts, new imperialist wars.
The communist movement must hold a decisively independent class
ideological-political stance and fight against any attempt to co-opt the peoples
to the aims of the bourgeoisies, whether they be older or new emerging sections
of this class.
It is particularly important for the communist movement to have a consistent
ideological-political front against every imperialist power, regardless of how
it presents itself.
We must not overlook the fact that in the context of the fierce competition,
which alternatively is expressed as an economic, political or diplomatic war,
there is the confrontation over the Transatlantic Trade and Investment
Partnership (TTIP). The TTIP is proceeding very slowly, as sections of the
French and German bourgeoisies consider that the US proposals are a “Trojan
Horse” in order to secure US hegemony in Europe in the medium term.
The recent US acts to expose the scandal of the Volkswagen pollution emissions
and the similar attempts to reveal the illegal funds of Siemens by the USA are
examples of the sharpening of the competition between the USA and Germany in the
sphere of the economy. It is becoming obvious that the US pressure on Germany is
increasing in order to advance the TTIP.
Another front is the confrontation underway inside the EU itself around issues
of the further deepening or not of capitalist unification, where France, Italy
and also more discreetly Britain (in the medium term) are disputing Germany’s
In addition, the confrontation of the USA-EU against Russia over Ukraine is a
major and special issue that is connected to energy policies in Europe and
Another important issue is the exacerbation of the contradictions between USA
and China, in the first phase economically, while there is intense activity at
the military level as well for the control of the Pacific.
Inside the framework of the competition between stronger and less powerful
capitalist states, a number of contradictions and conflicts over the demarcation
of sovereign rights in the region of the Eastern Mediterranean, which is rich in
hydrocarbons, remain unresolved. Characteristic examples of this are: the war in
Israel-Lebanon, the Cyprus question, the Palestinian issue and the contradictory
nature of the relations between Israel and Turkey.
All of these point to the danger of a general imperialist confrontation in the
Middle East, in Eurasia and the world more generally and are rightly of concern
It is true that the bourgeoisie of our country is not united as regards what
formula will contribute to the most rapid and stable capitalist recovery. This
is also true of the bourgeoisie at a European and international level. The
entire web of inter-imperialist contradictions is manifesting itself in the
context of these formulas and variations. Axes and anti-axes are altering quite
frequently and while it is understood that the capitalist system, especially in
capitalist Europe, can not use Keynesian measures, general state productive
investments and social benefits in the same way as it had done in the past in
order to boost the market.
The formulas of Keynesian and liberal management of the crisis are confronting
each other on this terrain, both with the same class aims. These management
models frequently alternated during the 20th century and of course did not
prevent cycles of economic crisis, dozens of local wars for the redivision of
markets or to change the first positions in the imperialist pyramid.
The character of the strategy and tactics of parties is not determined by how
they define themselves ideologically (left, socialist, communist), but by how
they act in relation to the basic interests of the classes in society. And
chiefly in relation to the two basic opposing classes, the bourgeoisie and the
working class. In addition they are defined by how they deal with the
intermediate social strata, which are characterized by significant
stratification and differentiations of interests amongst them as well as regards
what common interests they have with the working class.
A policy of supporting the general interests of the bourgeois class is being
followed not just by bourgeois liberal parties but also by parties with
leftwing, socialist or even communist references that are calling on the working
class and the popular strata to contribute to and support the goals of the
capitalist class, such as “productive reconstruction”, “the enhancement of
national production-economy”, “modernization”, of bourgeois economic and
political structures etc. In other words, they are pushing the people into
fighting under a false flag instead of their own flag, into choosing between the
various anti-people governments for the management of the system.
As is also the case in our country, the people are being trapped by the question
of government; they are being trapped into supporting the reformation of the
bourgeois political system, in conditions when the older bourgeois parties and
social-democracy are in decline.
In these conditions we can observe fluidity and mobility in the bourgeois
parties, both in those that are liberal and those that are social-democratic in
In the conditions of the prolonged economic crisis in Greece, on the one hand we
saw the emergence of national socialism-fascism as a parliamentary party,
detaching forces from ND, and on the other hand the regroupment of
social-democracy, through the formation of SYRIZA, also assimilating opportunist
forces which had sprung up over the last 25 years.
At the same time, there continues to be fluidity in the centre-left,
social-democracy (PASOK) and the opportunist pole as a current of the communist
movement (ANTARSYA, Popular Unity, other forces that claim they will form a new
revolutionary workers’ party).
Our party studies these realignments which had negative consequences on the
electoral influence of the KKE itself over the last 3 years, despite the fact
that it maintains significant forces in the national and EU parliaments, and
chiefly maintains the ability to intervene militantly in conditions of a major
retreat of the movement and of combativeness. It is able to influence forces
well beyond its electoral influence, in the struggles of the workers, farmers
and people for survival.
Certain “well-wishers”, who are allegedly interested in the strengthening of the
KKE- mainly in the previous period, now after the failed experiment of SYRIZA
they are of course quieter- criticized us because we do not promote cooperation
with SYRIZA or some sections of it with the aim of halting the downward spiral
of the people’s living standards and then afterwards to examine how the struggle
will progress to socialism, because allegedly these forces remained stably in
favour of this perspective.
They are proposing that we again adopt a political line that has already been
tried and tested in Greece as well, e.g. the cooperation with the government of
George Papandreou after the liberation in 1944, the support provided to the
Centre Union by EDA (the United Left Front where communists were active) in the
1960s before the military dictatorship. Alternative forms of management of the
system were tested in many European capitalist states before the crisis (as both
centre-left and centre-right formulas had been tried out), with the
participation of communist parties and other opportunist, renewal as they call
themselves, parties that arose from splits in the CPs. We have also seen
governments, even if relatively short-lived, with the participation of far-right
parties as in Austria, Netherlands, Norway etc. We have seen alternation
between parties with different formulas of bourgeois management in Latin America
They are proposing that we ignore the relationship between politics and the
economy; they are telling us to forget that the monopolies prevail everywhere in
the economy and the superstructure and are being reinforced through
centralization of capital, that Greece’s integration into the EU in reality
imposes greater commitments and dependencies, new restrictions and concessions
of rights and powers.
They are suggesting that we overlook the fact that capitalist relations have
extended into agricultural production, education, health, culture, sports, the
Mass Media. That there is a greater concentration of capital in manufacturing,
retail, construction, tourism. That with the abolition of the state monopoly in
telecommunications, energy and transport, businesses have developed and chiefly
those based on private capital. Enormous European monopolies are pouncing like
crows in order to buy property, businesses, land, while interest is mounting
around the prospect of the extraction of hydrocarbons in the Aegean and Ionian
seas, and in the region south of Crete.
That we should forget that the capitalists, the monopolies are the economically
dominant class, while the government and parliament are their organs.
And that SYRIZA, as a party of government, accepts the monopolies, the EU, the
capitalist businesses, their competitiveness, as the motor force of the economy.
SYRIZA played an especially valuable role for the bourgeois class, chiefly in
order to avert political instability in conditions of a prolonged economic
crisis and the major reduction of the workers’-people’s income. Only a party
with social-democratic references, like SYRIZA, could curtail the mass popular
protests, as Juncker also admitted.
Certain parties, of various political shades, elevate as the main issue, capable
of constituting the basis for the cooperation of anti-memorandum forces, the
question of dealing with the “neo-colonial” situation that has enveloped the
country, as it is under the guardianship, the heel of the Troika. They say that
the country has lost or is endanger of losing its national status and
Of course, Greece has a subordinate position inside the established imperialist
alliances in which it participates (EU, NATO, IMF etc). This position, however,
arises from its economic-political-military strength as a capitalist state. This
is the source of the unequal relations that prevail amongst capitalist
states-allies (antagonistic relations that can even lead to rupture and war),
which does not negate the common basis of the alliance. History has shown the
dangers related to the uneven development of capitalist states, the unequal
antagonistic relations between them when the differences are not resolved by
political and economic methods, lead to these states choosing military methods,
war, state violence. Capitalism does not just advance capitalist
internationalization, the various forms of imperialist unions, whether formal or
informal, and is not just permeated by cosmopolitanism, but also by nationalism
and belligerent tensions.
All the parties promoted the Greek problem as being a European one. This view is
accompanied by the position that there can be no pro-people changes at a
national level, beyond the alternation of governments, i.e. changes in the
political personnel of the system and not in the economy. I.e. that the people
ca not struggle for another socialist society. It fosters the utopian and
compromised view that radical changes, overthrows, will either happen
simultaneously throughout Europe as a whole or globally, or nowhere at all.
“Left” governments, like SYRIZA-ANEL, with this slogan, demand submission as
regards the new deterioration of the workers’-people’s living standards.
Greece today has major unutilized productive potential which can be liberated
only through the socialization of the means of production by the working
class-people’s power, with the Central Scientific Planning of production and
workers’’ control at every level of its organization.
We raise the issue that the preconditions exist in order to satisfy not just the
people’s needs in general, but the people’s needs today. To abolish
unemployment, to reduce the working hours, to increase free time. To secure a
certain future for the children of the workers, to stably and substantially
improve the people’s living standards. So that development does not come into
conflict with the environment, so that health is based on prevention, that there
will be an extended network of exclusively public and free services, along with
other issues that we have positions on. The family and mainly women should be
liberated from the exclusively private care of children, the elderly, the
chronically ill. There should be extensive social services to support maternity,
positive discrimination so that maternity is combined with social labour, so
that women have more time available for cultural and social activity and to
participate in workers’ control.
Greece possesses important domestic energy sources, considerable mineral
resources, industrial, craft and agricultural production which can meet a large
part of the people's needs: in food and energy, transport, the construction of
public infrastructure works and people's housing. The agricultural production
can support industry in its various sectors.
The position supported by SYRIZA and other parties that demand a new “haircut”
of the debt, adopting the IMF position, is completely different from the KKE’s
position in favour of the unilateral cancellation of the entire debt and not its
reduction through equivalents, new measures, new memoranda, new anti-people
programmes, with privatizations of strategically significant sectors and
The withdrawal from the Eurozone, as proposed by some, or the view that the euro
is not a fetish have nothing to do with the KKE’s position for disengagement
from the EU.
The KKE’s position that there should be no participation in any imperialist
union, something that will be ensured by workers’ power, is completely different
to the position for withdrawal from the EU in order to enhance participation in
The KKE’s proposal for the governance of workers’-people power has nothing in
common with SYRIZA’s proposal for a “left” government. Especially now that the
Greek people have got to know at first hand “the first and second time left”
that votes for memoranda and anti-people prerequisite measures.
In the first instance we are talking about the radical change in political
power, in the second instance a mere change in government-figures that will
operate within the same framework as the previous governments, as the monopolies
and capital will determine the decisions and choices made for economic recovery.
Our party from the beginning of the 1990s confronted the reformist and
opportunist view that we are living in the era of the return of liberalism,
which is called neo-liberalism. This view argued that on this basis it is
necessary to establish an anti-neoliberal front. This position is also prevalent
today and indeed is used to explain the basic cause of the crisis. This is an
ideological construct that is widely used by SYRIZA and social-democracy in
general. We exposed, using concrete arguments, that the abandonment of Keynesian
management was a necessary choice which corresponded to the needs of capital for
expanded reproduction, after the general crisis at the beginning of the 1970s.
Nevertheless, many CPs enthusiastically promoted Keynesian programmes and on
this basis cooperation with social-democracy. This position was based on whether
social-democracy was being drawn to neo-liberalism or not. In this way, the
ideological front against it was weakened to a great extent. In the name of the
unity of the working class (which looked to the creation of governments together
with social-democracy or a section of it) the CPs carried out serious
ideological and political retreats, while the declarations of unity on the part
of social-democracy did not look to the overthrow of the capitalist system, but
to the class alienation of the working class and to detaching it from the
influence of communist ideas.
The great Leninist legacy is timely, the lesson that the victory of the working
class, the exploited people, and even the rise of the class struggle is not
possible without a struggle against opportunism that is unrelenting and
uncompromising. That the content of the struggle was different in the conditions
of the development of the bourgeois revolution and that it is different today in
the era of the transition from capitalism to socialism, in the conditions of the
highest stage of capitalism.
In any case, no party can become a party of government if it does not provide
the relevant credentials to the capitalists as a class, to their domestic and
international personnel. This has been confirmed by the actions of SYRIZA. It is
a myth that universal suffrage in capitalism can change the correlation of
forces between the opposing classes. For this reason the issue of whether a
government based on parliament can contribute to the beginning of the
revolutionary process is groundless and utopian, we would say completely
misleading, on the basis of the experience of the 20th and the first part of the
The KKE attaches importance to all the forms of struggle in non revolutionary
conditions, such as today’s, and utilizes the electoral struggle and its
parliamentary presence to inform the people, to reveal what is being planned at
their expense, to impede-as far as possible on the basis of the correlation of
forces-the antiworker, antipeople measures, above all to strengthen the class
struggle so that the need for total conflict is understood by more people.
In this framework, the KKE focuses on the regroupment of the labour-people’s
movement, the construction of the social alliance with a rise in class struggle,
the expansion of the communist party’s bonds with new forces of working men and
women, other employees, farmers and self-employed, mainly youth and women from
the popular families, with the construction of robust party organizations in all
the workplaces, in strategic sectors of the economy.
The struggle against capitalism, imperialist interventions and wars,
Nazism-fascism that is rearing its head again, requires strong communist parties
in our countries, with a strategy of conflict and overthrow, with coordination
and common action, chiefly ensuring common strategic activity and the
preparation of forces to fight against capitalist exploitation, imperialist
barbarity and to pave the way for the only hopeful future for humanity,
Today is the period that will determine the existence, maintenance and
regroupment of the revolutionary vanguard, so that it is capable of directing
the insurgent working class-popular masses towards the revolutionary solution,
when the mood of masses and situation matures due to the sharp and general
crisis of bourgeois power.
The KKE, which took on the responsibility of organizing the international
meetings after the counterrevolutions, will continue the effort, despite the
difficulties, both inside the International Meetings, and also through other
forms, which in our estimation not only do not come into contradiction with the
IMCWP but act in a way that reinforces and promotes joint activity and the
formation of a unified revolutionary strategy of the communist movement, on the
principles of Marxism-Leninism and Proletarian internationalism.
As the great Turkish communist poet, Nazim Hikmet, said “We have a centuries-old
impetus… We will emerge victorious even if our sacrifices are great.” Yes
however great are sacrifices, this rotten world “this pirate ship, will sink -
come hell or high water, it will sink. And we will build a world as hopeful,
Communisty Party of Greece